Bush hasn't been able to divert the country's attention yet. Of course, as noted previously, public opinion doesn't have any relevance on this matter at all, only Mr. Fitzgerald's legal findings do. Billmon made the same point recently. However, every day the Rethuglican spin-meisters have to answer uncomfortable questions about Turd Blossom is another day their radical agenda is (partially) side-tracked.
The NYT has, above the fold, this overview:
For Bush, Effect of Investigation of C.I.A. Leak Case Is Uncertain
President Bush has yet to address some uncomfortable questions that he may not be able to evade indefinitely.
...But Mr. Bush's political opponents say the president is in a box. In their view, either Mr. Rove and Mr. Libby kept the president in the dark about their actions, making them appear evasive at a time when Mr. Bush was demanding that his staff cooperate fully with the investigation, or Mr. Rove and Mr. Libby had told the president and he was not forthcoming in his public statements about his knowledge of their roles.
“We know that Karl Rove, through Scott McClellan, did not tell Americans the truth,” said Representative Rahm Emanuel, Democrat of Illinois and a former top aide in the Clinton White House. “What's important now is what Karl Rove told the president. Was it the truth, or was it what he told Scott McClellan?”
and from Frank Rich:
Eight Days in July:
The agenda of President Bush's rushed Supreme Court nomination - to change the subject in Washington - could not have been more naked.
...When the president decided not to replace Sandra Day O'Connor with a woman, why did he pick a white guy and not nominate the first Hispanic justice, his friend Alberto Gonzales? Mr. Bush was surely not scared off by Gonzales critics on the right (who find him soft on abortion) or left (who find him soft on the Geneva Conventions). It's Mr. Gonzales's proximity to this scandal that inspires real fear.
As White House counsel, he was the one first notified that the Justice Department, at the request of the C.I.A., had opened an investigation into the outing of Joseph Wilson's wife. That notification came at 8:30 p.m. on Sept. 29, 2003, but it took Mr. Gonzales 12 more hours to inform the White House staff that it must “preserve all materials” relevant to the investigation. This 12-hour delay, he has said, was sanctioned by the Justice Department, but since the department was then run by John Ashcroft, a Bush loyalist who refused to recuse himself from the Plame case, inquiring Senate Democrats would examine this 12-hour delay as closely as an 18½-minute tape gap. “Every good prosecutor knows that any delay could give a culprit time to destroy the evidence,” said Senator Charles Schumer, correctly, back when the missing 12 hours was first revealed almost two years ago. A new Gonzales confirmation process now would have quickly devolved into a neo-Watergate hearing. Mr. Gonzales was in the thick of the Plame investigation, all told, for 16 months.
Thus is Mr. Gonzales's Supreme Court aspiration the first White House casualty of this affair. It won't be the last. When you look at the early timeline of this case, rather than the latest investigatory scraps, two damning story lines emerge and both have legs.
The real crime here remains the sending of American men and women to Iraq on fictitious grounds. Without it, there wouldn't have been a third-rate smear campaign against an obscure diplomat, a bungled cover-up and a scandal that - like the war itself - has no exit strategy that will not inflict pain.